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The negative adjectives will be muttered by serious historians looking for fresh research, while the positive adjectives will be uttered by media workers and audiences who want�or, more precisely, need�to understand the untamed American press from the late seventeenth century to the early nineteenth century.

Burns squashes the historically uninformed idea that media used to behave better. As his book explains, during the era of the Founding Fathers people in the media were not overly concerned with ethics or accuracy.

The early press avoided truth if lies suited political needs; it employed bias as a weapon; it incited physical violence in response to irresponsible copy.

Any media professional or complaining media consumer who does not have a background in media history ought to read this book. The previously mentioned factors are intriguing, exciting, and enjoyable. The cast of characters could hardly be more intriguing; the stories are quite enjoyable; it is exciting to think of modern readers at last finding out about early media. Then there are the irritating, frustrating, and annoying parts. Historians looking to Infamous Scribblers for groundbreaking research and novel insights will be disappointed.

Burns has read dozens of other authors on the topic of early American journalism. He has relied extremely heavily on those other authors and their interpretations.

Irritatingly, Burns quotes early media from secondary sources much of the time, rather than from the newspapers themselves. It is frustrating to think what interesting material he missed by not reading the primary sources himself. Although it is a rare author who does not take a little material from secondary sources, it is a shame Burns relied so very heavily on them.

It is annoying to read the entire book and realize that the information represents nothing particularly new for serious scholars of media history. His book should make entertaining reading for many. The serious historian, however, will have to work hard to squeeze anything new out of Infamous Scribblers. By Louis Chude-Sokei. Durham, N. In his analysis, Williams should accordingly be relocated to the center of not only the Harlem Renaissance but of transatlantic modernism itself.

Despite his micropolitical intentions, one gets little insight into the history of Afro-Caribbean New Yorkers, and the Harlem Renaissance link between Bert Williams and Claude McKay, among others, although forcibly argued, is never convincingly proven with textual evidence.

By Joseph A. Baltimore, Md. The author of this book provides an overview of New England history in the colonial period. He has synthesized a vast body of scholarly literature in a noble effort to be comprehensive and up-to-date, yet brief. The result, alas, is an overly condensed text that is unnecessarily abstract and often colorless. A spirited prologue challenges new and old stereotypes of Puritan New England, denying that it was an isolated backwater yet insisting on its distinctiveness as a region within the British Empire.

Unlike the plantation colonies of the South and the West Indies, New England was a middle- class family-based society with widespread ownership of property. Its religious heritage bred a high degree of literacy while promoting hard work and a frugal lifestyle.

The demographic result was a homogenous society lacking a large underclass and relying on its children to supply its labor needs. Although Joseph A.

Conforti does not make a point of it, a major distinguishing feature of seventeenth-century New England was its township-based settlement system. In the Middle Colonies, British proprietors owned the land and sold it to individuals, as did proprietors in Maryland and the Carolinas. Political economy gets short shrift, and the author does not get all his demo- graphic facts quite right. Even when he does get them right, he often seems unable to explain their full significance.

Yet Conforti packs a lot of important new material into this slender paperback and offers valuable suggestions for further reading. A more felicitous prose style would, however, have enhanced its usefulness. University of Colorado Gloria L. By Matthew Dennis. Ithaca, N. History, professors remind their students, is alive; every generation interprets the past through its own experiences, its own age. Some have focused on one aspect of the past while others have offered broader theoretical interpretations.

After an introductory chapter, he proceeds in a rough chronological fashion concluding with the most recent holiday, Martin Luther King Jr. In each case, however, he ranges across decades as people sought to manipulate the respective celebration to their own ends. Taken together, the holidays are an excellent illustration of a dynamic America. The story may involve politics, society, or economics, but it is frequently contentious. With the age of industrialization came a more complex society and new holidays appeared less systematic.

Holidays did not always comply with the elites, however, as those lower on the socioeconomic ladder manipulated the day as well. Historical memory, Dennis makes plain, is not something dictated from above. They will undoubtedly appreciate his discussion of the commercialization of holiday celebrations. He does not chastise those hoping to exploit the celebration for economic ends but rather acknowl- edges commercialization as illustrative itself. It is easy to conclude from this text that, as Americans continually redefine their national holidays, the resulting hybrid runs the risk of losing all meaning.

Although the introduction can become a bit redundant, the book flows smoothly. While there is no formal bibliography, the endnotes are extensive and Dennis obviously has an excellent grasp of the literature. In the end, one may wish for more. What, for example, does the emergence of Super Bowl Sunday say about America? As Dennis would acknowledge, the story he tells is far from over. Southeastern Oklahoma State University J. By Thomas A. Few American soldiers have experienced greater deprivation, misery, and despair than those on the expedition that Colonel Benedict Arnold led to Canada during the War of Independence, and still fewer of them have ever exhibited greater courage, endurance, and bravery.

Desjardin in Through a Howling Wilderness. Soon after the Continental army was created and its general officers selected in June , a decision was made by Congress and General George Washington to invade Canada.

Originally, the invasion plan called for an American army to push into Canada through the Champlain Valley, but schemes were soon presented for a second force to descend on Quebec through Maine. Washington embraced the idea and selected Arnold, who had impressed him and authored one of the invasion plans, to lead the expedition. Washington and Arnold personally selected more than volunteers, searching for rugged men who could endure a lengthy trek through the wilder- ness. In no time, much of the food was lost in boating accidents, driving the men to eat dogs, shoes, candles, and even shaving soap.

The weather also plagued the expedition. Soon diseases set in. A month into the ordeal, nearly half of the army, those under Lieutenant Colonel Roger Enos, bailed out, abandoning the expedition and taking much of their food with them. BOOK REVIEWS The book would have been strengthened had Desjardin included a lengthy section on the plight of the more than Americans who were taken captive during the assault, and who�if they survived confinement�languished in forbid- ding conditions for nearly six months.

By Tom Downey. Baton Rouge, La. Historians have debated since the s whether the Old South was capitalist or precapitalist. At the heart of the debate have been the two opposite contentions, respectively, by Marxist and non-Marxist scholars, that slavery was either a quasifeudal or a highly profitable economic system.

Though many scholars are still divided between opposite camps, the debate itself has recently run somewhat dry, as a result of an increasing number of studies that have argued in favor of the coexistence of capitalist and precapitalist elements in Southern slavery. Although he might be considered, perhaps, a bit too harsh in his criticism of those few scholars who have acknowledged and partly described the effects of the market revolution in the South, Downey is still the first to have analyzed these effects systematically in a model historical study of a specific Southern community.

Downey looks at the interplay between three different historical actors�planters, merchants, and manufacturers�in the transition to capitalism brought by the pervasive influence of the market revolu- tion in the two South Carolina districts. The process of transition to capitalism was unfolding but was far from being over by the time of the Civil War, and old community customs that had regulated property rights on a personal basis started to break down, replaced by a brave new and ruthless world of business corporations, such as the one that ran the South Carolina Railroad.

By Linda Eisenmann. Choosing the title for a book is a very important job. Because it is so important, authors do not always have a free hand. Sometimes publishers choose a title that will catch the attention of prospective readers, even if that title misrepresents the contents of the book itself. Nowhere between its covers will one find a discussion of the educational experiences of postwar college and university women.

Instead this book concen- trates on the policy debates about higher education for white, middle-class women that took place in the United States before gender roles were reshaped in the s by the resurgence of feminism. In doing so, it ably demonstrates that historians of education have underestimated the importance of this lively conversation.

Colleges catered to the returning GIs, almost all of whom were men. Confronted by such conditions, those interested in the educational needs of women tried to make the best of a bad situation. Eschewing the collective mindset that would typify the feminists who followed them, they looked for ways to empower individual women through good decision making.

By associating education with personal choice, this commission also overlooked the poor, who lacked the resources to make choices at all. Simultaneously they struggled with the implications of the civil rights movement for their largely segregated organizations. Eisenmann devotes two chapters to continuing education.

It promised to reconcile the conflict between work and family by providing women with oppor- tunities for advanced education on their own terms. Higher Education for Women reads at times more like an outline than a book.

It is full of lists�five of them on pages � alone. Such mechanical writing detracts from an other- wise creditable effort. Temple University William W.

By Paul D. Westport, Conn. In this study, Paul D. Escott focuses on the development of civilian�military relationships within the Confederate States of America. The author builds on the efforts of previous historians, examining the Con- federacy in the crucible of war and finding that the conflict represented for that nation and its people, as Emory Thomas has suggested, a revolutionary experi- ence.

Some Southern leaders advocated the most extreme measures. Lee, recognized the need for augmenting sagging Southern military numbers by arming slaves, while others called for stronger military measures in the national emergency.

Yet action did not always follow such extreme courses. The Confederacy never embraced the notion of granting slaves freedom in exchange for military service, nor turned to a military dictator as a means of salvation, nor discarded all of its constitutional safeguards and processes, even in the darkest days of its existence as a nation. Nevertheless, Escott finds that under the duress of war, various elements of the Confederate leadership whittled away at positions once held sacrosanct.

An exhaustive war required enormous sacrifices. In the process, the South as the Confederate States of America became increasingly centralized, urbanized, and militarized, even to the extent of undermining principles many white Southerners had once considered essential.

The author succeeds in demonstrating that policies resulting from wartime exigencies impacted civilians enormously. Civil life groaned under the weight of conscription, exemption, and substitution, as well as the tax-in-kind, the imple- mentation of martial law, and impressments. Military and political leaders often stretched accepted boundaries.

The demands of war rendered civil liberties expendable but never entirely obsolete. The civilian structure endured, even as the good of the national state often supplanted the rights of individual states or citizens. Eventually many rights disappeared, including independence, but civilian control remained. Military Necessity is a fine addition to the Civil War literature.

There was a limit, even under those extraordinary circumstances, beyond which most white Southerners were simply not willing to go. By Philip J. Lawrence, Kans. Phillip J. Funigiello clearly regrets the failure to achieve universal, comprehensive health care coverage because of its important role in his conception of social justice.

He occasionally lets out a polemical point but by and large avoids moralizing in favor of a well-crafted, detailed chronological account. At the end of each chapter, he includes an interpretive summary of that chapter, including tying in the past and future. This policy area is complex and important enough to warrant an updated book-length history now and then. Sixty-four pages of notes and a thirteen-page bibliographic essay are a testament to his research efforts and provide an excellent background for the reader.

As with his analytical approach throughout the book, he emphasizes in these three instances the importance of the strategic and tactical choices made by the policy actors. He does not see or seek deterministic explanations.

In discussing the most recent failed attempt at comprehensive reform in the Clinton administration, Funigiello rightly points to the role of the media in framing the issues and the ambivalence of the middle class as obstacles that go beyond the long-standing political and structural factors.

Although these are factors worthy of serious consideration, he underdevelops this section by not drawing more on such analysts as Marmor, Skocpol, and Jacobs.

Edited, with an introduction, by Gary W. Chapel Hill, N. The editor of this book delivers another good collection of articles for his Military Campaigns of the Civil War series. In this anthology, Gary W. Gallagher and a collection of established Civil War historians, newly minted Ph.

Many different perspectives of the campaign are presented in original and thoroughly researched articles. Included in the study are: a comparative biography Jubal A. Early and Philip H. Combined, the articles present a sundry view of the Shenandoah Campaign of Among the articles that stand out are those that examine the political reactions of the North and South and the Pattons.

Andre M. Thoroughly researched, the author demonstrates effectively how the Northern Democrats attempted to use Republican successes as a tool to defeat them. Lastly, Robert K. Though the essay does not contribute any new interpretation to the campaign or the war as a whole, an interesting and fun read is sure to attract the attention of any who read the book. The organization provided by Gallagher allows the book to flow as seamlessly as it can in an edited work. Gallagher provides an introduction that gives a brief overview of the campaign to allow the reader to put the different articles in context of the larger picture.

Additionally, this book is a great tool for secondary research on the campaign and other topics of the conflict. Overall, it does not examine every aspect of the campaign but does provide historians and buffs alike with new material to consider when examining the Civil War. By Bruce L. Cambridge, Mass. Gardner explores this and many other facets of important issues surrounding this vital U. Gardner works familiar ground, but he does it with the skills of an economist who knows how to make his findings reasonably accessible to the interested noneconomist.

But, of course, this is not a social or environmental history of American agriculture. Gardner is interested in productivity and the income of those rela- tively few people left in commercial agriculture, and he clearly demonstrates that, for them at least, this is a success story. Imperial Rule. By Michel Gobat. The author of this book discusses U. This study is divided into four major parts. According to Gobat, the Walker intervention caused a great deal of anti-Americanism in the years following his overthrow, but not enough to turn the upper classes or elites against trying to emulate the lifestyles and ideals of the United States.

American baseball was brought to Nicaragua in , and upper-class families sent their children to American schools. In the latter part of the nineteenth century, Nicaragua wanted to become a cosmopolitan country by building a canal with the help of the United States. It was a major disappointment to Nicaragua when the canal was built in Panama in In the third part of the book, Gobat discusses American occupation and dollar diplomacy. Gobat makes the case that dollar diplomacy restricted the number of loans made, hurting the rich landlords and elite farmers, because they depended upon the loans for investment.

On the other hand, the poor and middle-class farmers, not dependent upon credit, fared much better. The book ends with an epilogue, which discusses how American rule in Nicaragua led to the Somoza dictatorship and the Sandinista revolution in Gobat wrote that many wealthy Nicaraguans supported the Sandinistas in because they were anti- American, and in return, these elite supporters played a part in the Sandinista government.

This book is well documented, informative, and easy to read. By Donald R. Hickey and Connie D. Lanham, Md. Alexander Hamilton, after almost a century on the sidelines, is back squarely in the limelight. The bulk of this stylishly produced volume consists of short quotations from Hamilton organized by subject and arranged alphabetically. As a whole, the book provides a quick and easy introduction to Hamilton.

There is no doubt that Hamilton was one of the leading Founders. His con- tributions to the early republic were simply extraordinary. His collaboration with Washington over a period of two decades surely rivals that between Jefferson and Madison. But in some ways, he is an odd subject for a book such as this. A reader should not expect any poetic flourishes, or good ones, anyway, from Hamilton.

Nor should they expect any wry wisdom of the kind Lincoln dispensed, let alone the sidesplitting humor provided by Franklin. The editors themselves make the point. Some of the force and much of the significance is sometimes lost when the context for a quotation is absent.

Ours perhaps are more peculiar than those of any other in the universe. It is a composition of the freest principles of the English constitution, with others derived from natural right and reason.

This edited volume focuses on how differing national and local political cultures in Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia, and Peru depended on relations of power, gender, race, identity formation, and institutional structures. The first four chapters focus on unsuccessful state- and nation-building projects. Finally, Brooke Larson examines ideas about race, nation building, and citizenship in the works of Bolivian intellectuals in the early twentieth century.

The book then deals with the boundaries of popular representation in the public arena. Sergio Serulnikov examines how local political discontent evolved into radical popular ideologies that challenged Spanish colonial rule during the Age of Andean Rebellions by Finally, Nils Jacobsen demonstrates how elites tried to control the public sphere in nineteenth-century Peru, but popular groups still diffused information through local community institutions, religious festivals, and trade fairs.

Nonetheless, at the end of the book the reviewer still finds the concept illusive: political culture encompasses practices, institutions, and discourses. At the same time political culture is deeply embedded in society but never static, as it is constantly contested by elites and subaltern groups seeking power. In this sense, political culture appears less an analytical tool than as a heuristic device for scholars. By Matthew Frye Jacobson.

Lately, Americanization seems expressed more by ethnicization than assimilation. This much has been broadly understood, and even exploited by moviemakers and politicians. But the origins of this development and its conse- quences for American racial and civic relations have not been as well explored.

Roots Too fills this gap; it is an excellent introduction to discussions of contem- porary American discourse on identity. Using a close and persuasive reading of historical, literary, cinematic, and political materials, Jacobson identifies the roots of this ethnic identification in civil rights-era black politics and considers its impact on liberal, conservative, and feminist politics.

Both inspired by and responding to black nationalist thought, the revival of ethnic identity served multiple purposes. At the same time, it valorized the very white hegemony that ethnicity hid; these were European�that is white�ethnic groups whose stories became the backbone of the American myth of success and whose cultures had what it took to achieve that success. Ellis Island, after all, represented the immigrant experience of only a certain group of Americans, although it has repeatedly been invoked by conservatives, liberals, feminists, and immigration activists both pro and con to represent the national experience as a whole.

The origins of ethnicity lay in a post-World War II attempt to challenge the fixity of race by identifying instead differences in outlook or culture. Universalism, not particularism, undergirded this pluralist sociological thinking. But its emer- gence coincided with the increased racial awareness of the civil rights era. The immigrant myth, then, served to detach entire populations from their whiteness.

And it occurred, ironically, as these very communities were resisting civil rights advances as white people. It served also as the basis of comparison between white ethnics and both African Americans and new nonwhite immigrants. White immigrant family structures or their notional ideals served as normative models from which to pathologize others. For many, especially those who perceived their social status as threatened, Jacobson argues, ethnicity served as a vehicle for linking American values with whiteness.

At the same time, ethnicization also underpinned New Left and feminist thought insofar as they challenged the traditional WASP civic and racial status quo and provided for the creation of supportive communities of resistance. Although these critiques of American life never gained the traction of the more conservative models, this new understanding of ethnicity shaped the Left as much as it did the Right.

And it continues to shape American discourse regarding immigration. By Glen Jeansonne, with David Luhrssen. That sun, he reflected, was a metaphor for the new nation: was the United States rising or falling as a nation in the world? Written with David Luhrssen, the book developed out of the idea to be useful as a textbook in American history courses, and also to appeal to general readers.

Good historical writing has traditionally done that, and the book is highly readable, accessible to new students, engaging to interested readers, and stimu- lating for trained historians. He makes his narrative move, dealing with not only politics, but also architecture, education, labor, media, and a range of interdisciplinary subjects through the context of chronology.

Featured biographies cover figures as diverse as Jim Thorpe, Edward M. Is America rising or declining in the world? The comparative study of America as a world civilization manifesting power like past empires is an area for future research. A Time of Paradox is sure to engender the kind of interest and debate that Jeansonne encourages in his judicious presentation of provocative issues. He graphically captures both the hopes and failings of the American nation, drawing together periods of riches and happiness with times of trouble and bitterness, as well as renewal.

New York University Donald W. By David K. The Red Scare has never lacked for attention, yet historians have overlooked or misunderstood a crucial element: mass firings of gay and lesbian federal employees in the name of national security during the s. High-profile security or loyalty investigations have generally drawn more scholarly interest than the cases of homosexual employees, many of whom resigned quietly when confronted by security officers.

Indeed, in , a substantial share of elected officials, journalists, and the public believed homosexuality to be a greater threat than communism, as David K. Johnson, in this original and important study, demon- strates. He begins with the efforts of Senator H. As Bridges wanted, the firings made headlines and stirred public anxiety about an effeminate diplomatic corps wilting in the struggle against communism.

In response, executive agencies, especially the State Department, aggressively culled out gay and lesbian employees using procedures that the Eisenhower administra- tion then institutionalized. Even an absurd accusation was enough to merit a hostile interrogation. Why were homosexuals classified as security risks?

Often cited was the poten- tial of blackmail. As Johnson points out, this standard had no basis in fact: no gay American was ever blackmailed by a foreign power.

Widespread were the beliefs that gay men were loquacious and that homosexuality was a sickness. Many conflated communism with homosexuality because of facile similarities, for example, that communists and homosexuals both used coded language and meeting places.

Combined, the biases and false assumptions cost thousands their jobs. Carried out in the name of national security, the purges sometimes hurt it. Frank Kameny, an army astronomer, was fired just months after Sputnik sparked fears that the U.

Kameny did not go quietly. Kameny helped found the Mattachine Society of Washington, which adapted the strategies and tactics of the Civil Rights Movement. Hard-fought legal suits brought results; in , the U. Court of Appeals ruled that federal employees could not be dismissed for being homosexual. University of Wisconsin, Platteville David F. Krugler The Cleveland Indians.

By Franklin Lewis. The Cincinnati Reds. By Lee Allen. In the days before the study of baseball became the province of the professionally trained historian, economist, sociologist, and cultural critic, the collection of writings that came closest to an official canon for the sport�at least the white major-league version�was the series of team histories issued by the publishing house of G. Putnam in the s and s. These and additional works on other big-league aggregations offered colorful accounts of colorful men and teams, although subject on occasion to the errors and exaggerations prone to oft-told, much-beloved tales.

As for Allen, his legendary career featured not only stints in the Reds organization and as a sportswriter, but most notably as the longtime historian of the Baseball Hall of Fame in Cooperstown, New York. Another worthy revision that Lee Allen would certainly have approved of is the updating of the indexes to both volumes by Society for American Baseball Research members Robert M.

Hugo The Cincinnati Reds. Both the Lewis and Allen narratives are to a reader comparable to slipping on an old, comfortable shoe�easy to settle into, a bit worn and dated, but whose flaws are readily forgiven because of not only the relaxed feel but the nostalgic emotions it feeds. Of the two books, the Lewis volume on the Indians, published originally in , has the more linear chronological narrative and smooth flow.

By comparison, the Allen volume from on the Reds is choppier�more a collection of discrete anecdotes than an integrated narrative. Such an approach does have the appeal of having the contributions consumed in bite-sized form. The Cincinnati roster of subjects includes the first all-professional team of with its undefeated season; on-field heroes and rogues including Charles Comiskey, King Kelly, Hal Chase, and Johnny Vander Meer; and management tycoons such as Garry Herrmann and Larry MacPhail.

Save for such notable seasons as the aforementioned , known better as the World Series the Black Sox threw , and in the case of Cincinnati, and , , and for Cleveland, all too often neither team achieved or sustained success. Both franchises would do better for a time in later years�the Indians in the early s and the s, the Reds dubbed the Big Red Machine in the late s through most of the s.

To his credit, Lee Allen acknowledged as much in his introduction. For those seeking to scrutinize this powerful entertainment industry, study the class and racial dimensions of baseball as an economic and social institution, or seek in the study of baseball clues to the national character, little in these books will overtly aid the search. But even a hard-bitten academic like this one has to admit that there is occasionally a time for release from the more serious issues and for good stories well told.

Because of that, these first two reprintings of works from the Putnam series will find a home in the libraries of fans and scholars alike, as long as they share a love of the national pastime�much like we welcome, forgive, and then sit down with a long-lost, avuncular old relation. Muskingum College Robert F. Edited by Martin J. College Station, Tex. There are four ways that presidents can earn a positive reputation in history: make a mark on the office and the nation Washington, Jackson, Lincoln, McKinley, TR, FDR, JFK, Reagan ; do something while not president that is more important than what happens while in the White House Jefferson, Madison, John Quincy Adams, Grant, Eisenhower ; have a successful postpresidency to make up for deficiencies while in office Hoover, Carter ; or benefit from postpresidential reassessments that suggest that an earlier negative view was unfair Andrew Johnson, Harry Truman, Eisenhower�again.

George H. Bush has recently been a member of this last group. His son, who has been a president of conviction rather than prudence, stands in marked contrast to the elder Bush in style and substance. This reassessment is apparent in several books about the presidency of George H. Bush in the past few years. But Martin Medhurst and his contribu- tors convincingly make the case that George H. On the other hand, because Bush himself contrasted campaigning and governing�the first involving rhetoric that could be discarded after the election and the second involving personal relations, prudence, and patience�he often failed to use presidential rhetoric to aid his conduct of office.

The author does an admirable job of examining all important aspects of the presidency of George H. The editor provides introductory and concluding chapters that are helpful for drawing together the lessons of the research presented in the central chapters. Bush is not an oxymoron. Miami University Ohio Ryan J. By Gary B. Gary B. Nash, a distinguished and pathbreaking historian of early and revolutionary America, handles his three topics expertly.

Frey, Woody Holton, and others, Nash examines the part African Americans played in the southern military campaigns where fighting was ferocious. British leaders came to see that slaves of patriot masters might fight for the king if they were promised their freedom, and that their defections would seriously weaken the enemy.

Nash completes his analysis by explaining the effect on slaves in the middle and northern states when revolutionary European Americans pro- claimed all men were equal and had identical human rights.

For example, his suggestion that land gained by the United States from the British could have been sold to raise revenue sufficient to indemnify slave owners for the cost of freeing their slaves seems almost fantastical. Sell the land, free the slaves, and then what? Leave them in place without the resources to survive? All this at a time when the cotton industry was sucking slave labor and capital to the southwest, where enormous profits were to be made on new land?

Turning to the behavior of individuals, Nash criticizes Washington, Madison, and especially Jefferson for not taking leadership in ending slavery. Finally, Nash takes up the issue of African American citizenship in the new republic. He discusses the life and work of James Forten, a Revolutionary War veteran, who struggled to gain freedom, respect, and safety for his fellow African Americans in Philadelphia but failed as the tides of racism swept America in the years before the Missouri Compromise.

Unfortunately the author pro- vides few details about the elite, offering only one example, a Spanish family by the name of Zorilla. Instead, we learn much about the local newspapers, presum- ably operated by elites. After decades of civil war with the Church at the center, in the late s, the religious hierarchy of Mexico sought accommodation with its victorious Liberal opponents.

The Church not only sought to recapture its rightful place in society but also aimed to strengthen its devout membership base. Oaxacan Archbishop Eulogio Gillow embodied the conciliation between the Church and the formerly anticleri- cal Liberals.

How do we deduce motivations without documents from the archbishop or other ranking clerical officials? The solution was to regulate the sex workers, who unsurprisingly resisted. In this process Oaxaca City was no different than many other areas of Mexico in By Joshua Piker. Few topics have received more scholarly attention in recent years than the Creek Indians during the late colonial and early national periods.

Works by Steven C. Hahn and Andrew Frank have expanded scholarly interpretations of native peoples living in the southeast with special emphasis on the internal dynamics of Creek society and responses to colonialism. Joshua Piker contributes to these assessments by focusing on the community of Okfuskee, a Creek town located in the heart of present-day Alabama.

The author capably succeeds in achieving his goal, though some may question the perspective through which he frames his analysis. Okfuskee is divided into two sections, which grapple with different aspects of Creek experiences in the region.

These locales often enjoyed a spiritual, economic, or diplomatic significance to regional Indians and settlers that transcended their size or location and conditioned the activities of larger polities.

By employing standard documen- tary sources and innovative ethnohistorical methodology, Piker substantiates his arguments and points out the impact of Okfuskee on activities as diverse as hunting patterns, agricultural practices, and Creek�British warfare. Piker has contributed a well-crafted assessment of Creek society that enlightens more than it obscures.

Consequently, in many ways it stands above much of the recent literature similar in content while opening the door for further research. University of Texas at Tyler Daniel S. By Jennifer Ritterhouse. Jennifer Ritterhouse does an excellent job reporting on the moments in the lives of both black and white Southerners when they were forced to acknowledge the Southern way of life and to honor its restrictions.

Creating the divide in the lives of children violated Christian and democratic values, which admonished one to conform to the best values in the society and to work to make things better. Unfortunately the South did not have a voice to remind the little Mr.

Johnnys that noncooperation with evil was as moral as cooperation with good. It appears that the white child made the transition from the real South to the old South with little resistance or without raising any questions about his new role. Everybody had his or her place in Southern life, and the white child was conditioned to assume the upper hand; the burden to make a change, then, rested on the black South.

Black parents hoped to shift the burden of race from the backs of the children and replace it with good conduct as the standard for advancement.

This new teaching forced the black child to focus upon maintaining his or her dignity and respect even when faced with the worst form of behavior or oppression from his or her white counterpart. The dominant message that black middle-class families tried to perpetuate was that ambition and accommodation or subservience were not irreconcilable.

However, W. Your child is wiser than you think. Growing Up Jim Crow allows the reader to learn about how white privilege continued to enter in the consciousness of the people and challenges the reader to seek ways to develop a more perfect union.

Austin Peay State University C. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, Brazilian history occurs on different levels played out in the form of a multitiered existential chessboard. It is not clear how historians can play across all levels. This author selects the dark and depressing level of elite-directed police violence designed to control the lower classes. It is but one aspect of a complex history, but one that nevertheless demands attention.

He notes the immorality that has been in place for centuries and that guides events even now. Rose seeks to explain why the country tolerates violence instead of law, random murder of both the innocent and the guilty in place of determining individual responsibility, and a police culture that represses as it feeds on crime and petty extortion.

The failure to develop a civic society is perhaps the key. To do so requires a degree of equality that a hierarchical society cannot concede. The result is a war between levels of existence and impotent politics unable to play a constructive role.

Rose may be too harsh; after all, postwar dysfunctional politics brought down many politicians. Goulart is presented as the first Brazilian president to confront seriously the power of modern fazendeiros, agribusiness men who dominated, and still do, rural Brazil. Threatened expropriation of commercial holdings to establish cooperatives played a role in the removal of Jango, but in fact, he accomplished little in terms of fundamental reforms.

How can one explain his rural benefit scheme that looked good on paper but failed to collect funds until fixed by the military regime? Rose may be too ready to give Goulart credit. He provides information on the type of victims and background on police officials. Interviews, oral histories, personal memoirs, newspapers, magazines, and academic studies are employed. He concludes that Brazil must rally from within itself to change self-destructive social attitudes.

As gang violence indicates, little progress has been made. Brazil- ian cities have become more dangerous as social insurgency verges on becoming a reality.

Tulane University Colin M. By Catherine E. Utilizing the papers of prominent Republican women as well as combing the minutes and scrapbooks of local clubs, Catherine E. Rymph ably shows the complexity of the obstacles women overcame in their attempts to be accepted and valued within the party. The first theme, beginning imme- diately after gaining suffrage, but continuing throughout the twentieth century, shows that women demanded a chance to participate in party policy and decision making.

The second theme of the study considers how and why women fought among themselves about how best to influence party policies and goals. These women willingly traded party loyalty for what they hoped would be male rec- ognition of the value of women to the GOP. Other women disagreed. They wanted to retain their independence by remaining outside the party in their own organizations. Moreover, they refused to follow policies or to campaign for candidates they did not like.

This split was not just philosophical. Because they did not have to worry about supporting themselves or advancing their careers, clubwomen could afford to defy the party and remain true to their principles if the two clashed. Ironically, as Rymph points out, it was the convergence of these two forces that eventually brought women power within the GOP.

The more mod- erate career women who helped force the party to open its doors to women paved the way for the more conservative clubwomen to move in and push the party as a whole toward the Right. By Mark M. In Race: The History of an Idea in America [] Tom Gossett documented how idiosyncratic the research and perception of race had been.

This volume now extends the historical study of race by showing the breadth of senses used in identifying a race and by tracing how pragmatic has been the creation of racial stereotypes. The author focuses on two themes. First, his central research and thesis document the fact that the racial stereotype that debased colored people was always more than a matter of color. The stereotype was based on the other senses as well�smell, hearing, taste, and touch.

Problems arose for racists when persons whom they put into stereotypical categories did not have the prescribed traits. Mark Smith notes that there were blacks who claimed that whites also had distinctive odors and sensory traits. Blacks who rose to the middle class often diligently avoided the traits that were identified with the negative racial stereo- types.

He also identifies black voices who argued against the irrational inconsis- tencies of the racist stereotypes. The focus of the book, however, is on the fact that black Americans were expected to be recognizable by taste, smell, touch, sound, and color. Second, Smith argues effectively that white Americans changed their stereo- types to serve the need to control minorities.

Slaves needed to be more sensual, less intelligent, less sensitive, and more animalistic, but they did not need to be kept out of white space because they were needed to cook, nurse, bathe, and live intimately with their masters and mistresses. Freedmen needed to be segregated out of white space, banned from crowding or touching, because their odors and sounds were offensive.

African Americans who passed for white had to be identified by genealogy when none of the senses would suffice to identify them. After the Brown decision, segregationists feared that association of races would produce real knowledge and familiarity that would lead to undermining the power of their racism.

It is a strong challenge that echoes in the current shaping of stereotypes. Wake Forest University J. By Gregory E. Berkeley, Calif. The author of this book, in his revised dissertation, has contributed to the field of Native American history in two ways.

First, he provides an in-depth history of two understudied tribes, the Shoshone and Bannock of Idaho. Second, within this fairly traditional chronological history, Gregory E.

Smoak uses ethnohistorical methodology to investigate the construction of ethnic and racial identity among the Shoshone-Bannock peoples. Throughout the book, prophetic religion serves as a backdrop for his discussion of identity formation among American Indians.

The book is organized into two chronological parts�protohistory to the early nineteenth century and the mid-to-late nineteenth century. In each section, Smoak examines Shoshone-Bannock responses to change over time, including the arrival of the horse, deadly diseases, settlers, and American government agents.

After giving a general sketch of historical events in each section, he traces how Shoshone-Bannock identity and religion evolved in response to changing political, social, and economic conditions. In addition to greater social cohesion, native religion was also transformed during this time period. Newe religious beliefs became mixed with Christianity brought west by fur traders, evangelical Protestant and Mormon missionaries, and Euro- American settlers. Prophecy linked these two different religious ideologies together.

Part two focuses on the mid-to-late nineteenth century, when the Shoshone and Bannock peoples lost most of their lands and were confined to reservations. During this period, ethnic and racial divisions replaced the band organization of the early nineteenth century. These competing tribal identities found expression in the Ghost Dance pro- phesies of the late nineteenth century.

Ghost Dances and Identity is a solid contribution to the growing literature on identity formation, religious syncretism, and individual tribal histories.

Smoak has grafted a sophisticated thesis onto an otherwise standard tribal history. The book would have benefited, however, by the addition of more maps. By Marianna Torgovnick. This work is one of literary criticism rather than history, but it is worth the attention of historians nonetheless.

Probing the question of why polities form collective memories of key events in the ways they do, the author examines several slices of the layered Western memory of the Second World War.

The book does not have any- thing like the usual structures of chronology and narrative that most historians employ in their writing; it is instead eclectic in approach�perhaps maddeningly so for some�as it moves from topic to loosely related topic in five very distinct chapters. Torgovnick examines, in her first chapter, the signal place that D-day holds in American imagination and public memory. While revealing some of the distor- tions and omissions that have pushed the American interpretation of D-day into its present shape, she makes a perceptive case for why we molded it that way and have clung to it rather tenaciously ever since.

Her second chapter uses a similar format to examine the Eichmann trial of , which, she argues, more than any other single event came to shape American postwar thinking about the Holocaust. While arguing that Eichmann fully earned his fate, she nonetheless contrasts it�in striking and telling ways�with that of the charming, smooth-talking Nazi leader Albert Speer, who escaped the executioner. Finally, Torgovnick examines the themes of war, imperialism, and wartime consciousness in the novels of W.

Sebald, the brilliant German writer who spent most of his professional life in Britain at the University of East Anglia and died an untimely death at the height of his literary powers.

Because she ranges so freely over fascinating ground, picking up and inspecting shiny nuggets wherever she finds them, Torgovnick serves as a kind of quirky and compelling guide on a walking tour of popular memory, drawing us in with her enthusiasm for her subject, and provoking us to notice�and to think deeply about�the cultural and literary landscape of the post-World War II era.

Few figures in American memory either command the reverence or approach the stature of Abraham Lincoln. Did he attain this glory in life, or does he, as some have suggested, owe this elevation in the national mind more to his violent end than to his popularity and performance as president?

Hans L. The pattern generally includes samples of Northern politico and constituent opinion, military reaction, Democratic attacks and rare acquiescence , and Southern and, frequently, foreign critique. A slaveholder in Maryland sent the president his gratitude, and military officers also indicated satisfaction with the message.

Trefousse, however, does not short shrift the understandable barbs attached to Lincoln by opponents and skeptics, but shows how they were more than coun- tered by a deepening pool of supporters.

By John F. London: Palgrave Macmillan, The final decades of the nineteenth century were probably the apogee of the peculiarly American cult of individualism. These were the decades during which a string of forceful and domineering self-made men were at or near the height of their powers. By their own accounts of themselves, by and large these were men who came from nowhere, owed nobody anything, and were the sole authors of their own success.

The world they created melded entrepreneurship and exhibitionism. Being show- offs themselves, they made showmanship a central feature of the business of making money. In this new biography, John F. Wasik offers his readers a traditional and uncomplicated biographical study.

Despite its strengths, this book has some clear limitations. Insull, like many others of his kind, aimed to construct a very particular image of himself. A good biographer needs to look behind such efforts at self-fashioning or at least be aware of what their subject was trying to do.

The end result, ironically perhaps, is a biography that does not really do its subject justice. Self-made men like Insull liked to represent themselves as somehow divorced from history.

By Sally Zanjani. Reno, Nev. In general, these works are uneven in coverage, often providing tantalizing informa- tion about a given event before veering off to cover something else. More recent histories of the Comstock are helpful but less useful in covering territorial gov- ernment or events in distant mining camps. She draws from a wide variety of sources, including diaries, family papers, maps, and newspapers, to provide the most detailed coverage yet of this period.

We learn, for instance, that Paiute women, peering through the windows of white homes, laughed at Anglo wives performing household chores that seemed so alien to native culture. Although the book is largely narrative, Zanjani does not shy away from analysis. In some cases, Zanjani synthesizes the findings of earlier scholars; in other cases she extends them.

After devoting the usual attention to Sarah Winnemucca and feminist Hannah Keziah Clapp, Zanjani makes deft use of the vernacular biog- raphy available from court records to examine the position of ordinary women in such contexts as divorce and alimony.

Although the term itself is not often found in Western publications, assumptions about territorial expansion and the West as an Ameri- can universe pervade mining-town newspapers, editorials, journals, and promo- tional literature. But such unguarded statements are few and hardly detract from what is an excellent survey of early Nevada that will appeal to a readership ranging from ordinary people to advanced students.

This volume will undoubt- edly serve as a useful reference work for many years. Edited by Cynthia J. Brokaw and Kai-wing Chow. The first established printing as an indispensable tool of government and of critical scholarship.

The second made printed books accessible to a wide public. This excellent collection, with contributions from historians, literary specialists, and art historians, focuses on the broadening of reading publics, following Roger Chartier in linking how books were produced to how they were read.

The complex and continually evolving tensions between elite and popular book cultures are the key themes explored in all the contributions. By , the market for printed books had expanded far beyond the scholarly elite to include mer- chants, farmers, and women. Cheap editions of the classics; morality works; handbooks on ritual, law, medicine, and divination; novels; and examination cribs abounded.

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